The general public had resigned itself to an expectation
that the Nobel committee would remain true to tradition and select a warlord
for its Peace Prize, but it has sprung a happy surprise this year, and given it
to two notable representatives from civil society. Every right-thinking person in Pakistan has
joined the world in rejoicing that Malala Yousafzai’s valiant championing of
the rights of girls to education has been so well honoured. Undoubtedly, the
benighted Taliban remain determined to shackle women to illiteracy, the home,
and drudgery. And not only they. There are several groups in India from the
khap panchayats to the Rama Sena in Mangalore who are not far behind in their
desire to treat women as household chattels. The rape statistics from the
United States, including those for offences committed within the campuses of
the halls of learning, show that young Malala speaks for all humanity when she
asks national leaders, international opinion makers, and families to see the urgency
in confronting and changing ancient destructive patriarchal attitudes.
If there is one attitudinal distinction that sharply
differentiates Americans from Indians it is in their response to a neighbour’s
success. Americans openly rejoice, undoubtedly hoping that the lightning of
good fortune would strike them next. Indians artlessly express disdain, if not
worse, for being crowded together they feel that if the neighbour had not
existed, or even better died all of a sudden, they themselves might have been
so favoured. Congratulations for Kailash Satyarti have been tardy in coming
from the legions of Indians who get their well-buttered bread from civil
society ‘activism.’ What is lost in their multitude of caveats is the sterling
fact that this most important prize recognises the worth of community endeavour
for a better world, and if Satyarti has been chosen to represent this
present-day movement all honour is due to him.
Clearly the Nobel committee by linking the citizens of
Pakistan and India to the prize are nudging their leaders, wink, wink, towards
a peaceful settlement of their differences, though, of course if peace does
break out in South Asia, it would be a major blow to tottering western
economies which depend so much on arms sales to keep afloat. It is this link
between economics and militarism that has carefully fostered the military
establishment in Pakistan and reduced its civil government to the status of
puppets.
This process was aided by two blinkered political notions.
The Secretary of State for the United States during the Eisenhower era was
Dulles, famous for his nuclear brinkmanship, and in cahoots with his brother
Allen, in charge of the CIA. He along with successive American administrations
seem to have genuinely believed that the people of the world would abandon
capitalism and run towards communism unless they were subdued by cruel
dictators backed by fearsome American power. It was only after the American
military was soundly thrashed in the Vietnam war that Americans began to see that
people in south-east Asia and elsewhere in the world were willing to experiment
with the free market, and were also cagey about the strictures of communism.
Even in Cuba, led by the romantic figure of Fidel Castro, there are visible
yearnings for market freedoms, despite the American economic blockade that
keeps Cubans securely tied to socialist methodology.
The other political pressure that pushed forward the
militarization of Pakistan was Nehru’s dilettantish romanticism that portrayed
himself as the centre of the non-aligned movement – an attitude that would have
delighted participants in a Chatham House debate but warned the paranoid Dulles
that the only defence for his country was a heavily-armed Pakistan. Americans
had great expertise in propping up military dictators in Latin America, so his
staff knew what to do. Nehru, late of Harrow and Trinity College, Cambridge,
rejoiced in being gentlemanly in all things, and readily agreed to a UN
plebiscite in Kashmir, and yet as a Kashmiri pandit he could not quite bring
himself to let it happen. As a secular democrat he readily agreed to Article
370 of the Constitution defining the relationship of Kashmir with the Indian
Republic, but then as a haughty feudal ruler he had Sheik Abdullah thrown into
jail. As an aristocratic and Anglicised Indian he had little respect for Mao
ZeDong and the Chinese, whom he was willing to lead into the civilized world if
they were polite followers. He grandly overlooked CIA activity from Indian soil
in the Tibet region. In fact Nehru went out of the way as the leader of the
home of the Buddha in befriending the self-exiled Dalai Lama. The border war
was a product of his hauteur towards the great neighbour and his incurable
romanticism which made him believe that Krishna Menon could send back the
Chinese with a few well-chosen words. That conflict and succeeding Indian
posturing taught the Chinese the lesson that the only way they could protect
their national interests from a whimsical neighbour was to join America in
supporting Pakistan over the years, and thanks to their facilitation the
Pakistan military command nuclear weapons.
The war on terror has in no diminished American support for
the Pakistan military, which is needed to contain the eastern wing of their
encirclement of the Middle East, and also to threaten Iran, a key oil player,
nowadays even more un-subdued than in the days of Dr Mosaddeq, overthrown by
the CIA of Dulles before the reinstallation of the pliant Shah. Western-trained
Indian bureaucracy and leadership have little understanding of the Chinese, or
their diplomatic signalling methods. Their habitual arrogance is carefully
stoked by their Western counterparts, so there is little prospect of Indian
rapprochement with China in the near future.
Hence, despite the kindly twinning of Pakistan and India by
the Nobel committee, peace between the two countries will remain as illusory as
their hope that Obama, America’s first black president, will be more peaceful
than the other warlords who have ruled that great country and shown their
patriotism by bombing hapless people around the world.
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